From Heritage to Terrorism: Regulating Tourism in an Age of Uncertainty

Free download. Book file PDF easily for everyone and every device. You can download and read online From Heritage to Terrorism: Regulating Tourism in an Age of Uncertainty file PDF Book only if you are registered here. And also you can download or read online all Book PDF file that related with From Heritage to Terrorism: Regulating Tourism in an Age of Uncertainty book. Happy reading From Heritage to Terrorism: Regulating Tourism in an Age of Uncertainty Bookeveryone. Download file Free Book PDF From Heritage to Terrorism: Regulating Tourism in an Age of Uncertainty at Complete PDF Library. This Book have some digital formats such us :paperbook, ebook, kindle, epub, fb2 and another formats. Here is The CompletePDF Book Library. It's free to register here to get Book file PDF From Heritage to Terrorism: Regulating Tourism in an Age of Uncertainty Pocket Guide.

Schwartz -- pt. Audio file. Title from image on Web page viewed May 18, Previously released on compact disc, Shelved in adult nonfiction. Accompanying CDs contains 99 recorded examples of exercises.


Addressing a range of fundamental issues underlying global conflict and tourism, this thoroughly up-to-date and topical book is an essential read for all those interested in tourism and law. Show more Show less. You may also like. Maxwell Taylor, noting correctly that there are numerous other factors in the development of a terrorist, faults Fields's conclusions for, among other things, a lack of validation with adults. Maxwell Taylor overlooks, however, that Field's study was conducted over an eight-year period.

5 editions of this work

Taylor's point is that Field's conclusions do not take into account that relatively very few children exposed to violence, even in Northern Ireland, grow up to become terrorists. A number of other psychologists would take issue with another of Post's contentions--that the West German anarchists were more pathological than Irish terrorists. For example, psychiatrist W. Rasch , who interviewed a number of West German terrorists, determined that "no conclusive evidence has been found for the assumption that a significant number of them are disturbed or abnormal.

And psychologist Ken Heskin , who has studied the psychology of terrorism in Northern Ireland, notes that "In fact, there is no psychological evidence that terrorists are diagnosably psychopathic or otherwise clinically disturbed. Although there may have been instances in which a mentally ill individual led a terrorist group, this has generally not been the case in international terrorism. Some specialists point out, in fact, that there is little reliable evidence to support the notion that terrorists in general are psychologically disturbed individuals.

The careful, detailed planning and well-timed execution that have characterized many terrorist operations are hardly typical of mentally disturbed individuals. There is considerable evidence, on the contrary, that international terrorists are generally quite sane. Crenshaw has concluded from her studies that "the outstanding common characteristic of terrorists is their normality. For example, C. McCauley and M. Segal conclude in a review of the social psychology of terrorist groups that "the best documented generalization is negative; terrorists do not show any striking psychopathology.

It seems clear that terrorists are extremely alienated from society, but alienation does not necessarily mean being mentally ill. Maxwell Taylor found that the notion of mental illness has little utility with respect to most terrorist actions. Placing the terrorist within the ranks of the mentally ill, he points out, makes assumptions about terrorist motivations and places terrorist behavior outside the realms of both the normal rules of behavior and the normal process of law. He points out several differences that separate the psychopath from the political terrorist, although the two may not be mutually exclusive, as in the case of Hindawi.

One difference is the psychopath's inability to profit from experience. Another important difference is that, in contrast to the terrorist, the purposefulness, if any, of a psychopath's actions is personal. In addition, psychopaths are too unreliable and incapable of being controlled to be of use to terrorist groups. Taylor notes that terrorist groups need discreet activists who do not draw attention to themselves and who can merge back into the crowd after executing an operation.

For these reasons, he believes that "it may be inappropriate to think of the terrorist as mentally ill in conventional terms" Taylor and Ethel Quayle conclude that "the active terrorist is not discernibly different in psychological terms from the non-terrorist. Taylor and Quayle also assert that "in psychological terms, there are no special qualities that characterize the terrorist.

  • 2009 Guide To Literary Agents (Market);
  • Hundred Goals - Inspiration to Live Your Dream!
  • Wolf Meat: a Jab Boone murder mystery?
  • Travel, Tourism and Diplomacy: Is the Australian Government a ‘Smart Traveller’?;
  • FRD -- The Sociology and Psychology of Terrorism.
  • Simpson, Brian;
  • An Evangelical Social Gospel?: Finding Gods Story in the Midst of Extremes?

The selectivity with which terrorist groups recruit new members helps to explain why so few pathologically ill individuals are found within their ranks. Candidates who appear to be potentially dangerous to the terrorist group's survival are screened out.

Terrorism in Sri Lanka

Candidates with unpredictable or uncontrolled behavior lack the personal attributes that the terrorist recruiter is looking for. Many observers have noted that the personality of the terrorist has a depressive aspect to it, as reflected in the terrorist's death-seeking or death-confronting behavior. The terrorist has often been described by psychologists as incapable of enjoying anything anhedonic or forming meaningful interpersonal relationships on a reciprocal level. According to psychologist Risto Fried, the terrorist's interpersonal world is characterized by three categories of people: the terrorist's idealized heroes; the terrorist's enemies; and people one encounters in everyday life, whom the terrorist regards as shadow figures of no consequence.

However, Fried notes that some psychologists with extensive experience with some of the most dangerous terrorists "emphasize that the terrorist may be perfectly normal from a clinical point of view, that he may have a psychopathology of a different order, or that his personality may be only a minor factor in his becoming a terrorist if he was recruited into a terrorist group rather than having volunteered for one.

  1. Tourism and Community Development: Asian Practices.
  2. Auf Augsburgs höchstem Posten: Tagebuch eines Perlachtürmers (German Edition);
  3. Contact information of Elsevier?
  4. The Terrorist as Suicidal Fanatic. The other of the two approaches that have predominated, the terrorist as fanatic,. This approach takes into account that terrorists are often well educated and capable of sophisticated, albeit highly biased, rhetoric and political analysis.

    Shop by category

    Notwithstanding the religious origins of the word, the term "fanaticism" in modern usage, has broadened out of the religious context to refer to more generally held extreme beliefs. The terrorist is often labeled as a fanatic, especially in actions that lead to self-destruction. Although fanaticism is not unique to terrorism, it is, like "terrorism," a pejorative term. In psychological terms, the concept of fanaticism carries some implications of mental illness, but, Taylor points out, it "is not a diagnostic category in mental illness.

    Two related processes, Taylor points out, are prejudice and authoritarianism, with which fanaticism has a number of cognitive processes in common, such as an unwillingness to compromise, a disdain for other alternative views, the tendency to see things in black-and-white, a rigidity of belief, and a perception of the world that reflects a closed mind.

    Understanding the nature of fanaticism, he explains, requires recognizing the role of the cultural religious and social context. Fanaticism, in Taylor's view, may indeed " Suicide Terrorists. Deliberate self-destruction, when the terrorist's death is necessary in order to detonate a bomb or avoid capture, is not a common feature of terrorism in most countries, although it happens occasionally with Islamic fundamentalist terrorists in the Middle East and Tamil terrorists in Sri Lanka and southern India.

    It is also a feature of North Korean terrorism. The two North Korean agents who blew up Korean Air Flight on November 28, , popped cyanide capsules when confronted by police investigators. Only one of the terrorists succeeded in killing himself, however.

    Prior to mid, there were 11 suicide attacks against international targets in the Middle East using vehicle bombs.

    People also read

    Three well-known cases were the bombing of the U. Embassy in Beirut on April 18, , which killed 63 people, and the separate bombings of the U. Marine barracks and the French military headquarters in Lebanon on October 23, , which killed U. Marines and 58 French paratroopers, respectively. The first instance, however, was the bombing of Israel's military headquarters in Tyre, in which people were killed.

    Inspired by these suicide attacks in Lebanon and his closer ties with Iran and Hizballah, Abu Nidal launched "suicide squads" in his attacks against the Rome and Vienna airports in late December , in which an escape route was not planned. The world leaders in terrorist suicide attacks are not the Islamic fundamentalists, but the Tamils of Sri Lanka.

    The LTTE's track record for suicide attacks is unrivaled. Its suicide commandos have blown up the prime ministers of two countries India and Sri Lanka , celebrities, at least one naval battleship, and have regularly used suicide to avoid capture as well as simply a means of protest. LTTE terrorists do not dare not to carry out their irrevocable orders to use their cyanide capsules if captured. No fewer than 35 LTTE operatives committed suicide to simply avoid being questioned by investigators in the wake of the Gandhi assassination.

    Attempting to be circumspect, investigators disguised themselves as doctors in order to question LTTE patients undergoing medical treatment, but, Vijay Karan writes about the LTTE patients, "Their reflexes indoctrinated to react even to the slightest suspicion, all of them instantly popped cyanide capsules. To Western observers, the acts of suicide terrorism by adherents of Islam and Hinduism may be attributable to fanaticism or mental illness or both.

    From the perspective of the Islamic movement, however, such acts of self-destruction have a cultural and religious context, the historical origins of which can be seen in the behavior of religious sects associated with the Shi'ite movement, notably the Assassins see Glossary. Similarly, the suicide campaign of the Islamic Resistance Movement Hamas in the period involved young Palestinian terrorists, who, acting on individual initiative, attacked Israelis in crowded places, using home-made improvised weapons such as knives and axes.

    Such attacks were suicidal because escape was not part of the attacker's plan. These attacks were, at least in part, motivated by revenge. According to scholars of Muslim culture, so-called suicide bombings, however, are seen by Islamists and Tamils alike as instances of martyrdom, and should be understood as such. The Arabic term used is istishad , a religious term meaning to give one's life in the name of Allah, as opposed to intihar , which refers to suicide resulting from personal distress.

    The latter form of suicide is not condoned in Islamic teachings. There is a clear correlation between suicide attacks and concurrent events and developments in the Middle Eastern area.

    Jamaica - 10 Things That Shock Tourists in Jamaica

    For example, suicide attacks increased in frequency after the October clashes between Israeli security forces and Muslim worshipers on Temple Mount, in the Old City of Jerusalem, in which 18 Muslims were killed. The suicide attacks carried out by Hamas in Afula and Hadera in April coincided with the talks that preceded the signing by Israel and the PLO of the Cairo agreement.

    They were also claimed to revenge the massacre of 39 and the wounding of Muslim worshipers in a Hebron mosque by an Israeli settler on February 25, Attacks perpetrated in Ramat-Gan and in Jerusalem in July and August , respectively, coincided with the discussions concerning the conduct of elections in the Territories, which were concluded in the Oslo II agreement. The primary reason for Hamas's suicide attacks was that they exacted a heavy price in Israeli casualties.